European Union foreign policy and the global climate regime. By Simon Schunz
In: International affairs, Band 91, Heft 1, S. 182-183
ISSN: 0020-5850
16 Ergebnisse
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In: International affairs, Band 91, Heft 1, S. 182-183
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: Global society: journal of interdisciplinary international relations, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 447-462
ISSN: 1469-798X
In: International affairs, Band 91, Heft 1, S. 182-183
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Environmental politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 593-609
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: International affairs, Band 89, Heft 3, S. 635-651
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Environmental politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 593-609
ISSN: 0964-4016
In: International affairs, Band 89, Heft 3, S. 635-651
ISSN: 0020-5850
The changing geopolitical landscape is fraying the fabric of US hegemony and compromises the current structures of global order tied to US supremacy. Emerging powers from the 'developing' world, such as China, India and Brazil, are increasingly challenging the US-based order through their individual and collective actions on economic and development governance. They see themselves as lacking a significant stake in the system and have different values than traditional US allies which tend to be advanced liberal democracies. This article examines how the US is attempting to manage the challenge to its position of primacy in the global order. The main argument is that the US has been slow to recognize this threat and is still ambivalent about how to tackle it. It appears that at this stage the US wants to share the burdens of governance with emerging powers, encouraging them to play the role of 'responsible stakeholders'. At the same time, however, the US does not wish to relinquish its ability to act unilaterally or to be the main voice in established institutions, such as the UN Security Council or the International Monetary Fund. For this reason, the US has preferred to encourage the involvement of emerging countries in governance through informal settings like the G20, while resisting or being at best lukewarm about the reform of formal governance structures. The article concludes that if the US continues to pursue this strategy global order is likely to become more fragmented, with formal institutions increasingly losing their power and relevance; this, in turn, will diminish US power and influence. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)
World Affairs Online
In: Global environmental politics, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 41-63
ISSN: 1536-0091
This paper considers a climate policy architecture that would be conducive to wide participation and successful compliance. Compliance in particular is an aspect of climate policy that has been under-specified in current proposals for an architecture for climate policy. Although admittedly a successful regime would have to satisfy a number of criteria, including environmental goals, dynamic efficiency and cost-effectiveness, any agreement would have to be implemented and enforced. The focus here is both on how to construct a regime that is environmentally effective, and on how to reduce problems of compliance and leakage. Other criteria will be considered in the proposal, such as cost-effectiveness and how to facilitate the negotiation process, but the primary focus will be on participation and compliance. The main argument is that a climate agreement based on both emissions targets and policies and measures is the most conducive to maximum participation and a successful compliance mechanism.
In: Global environmental politics, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 41-63
ISSN: 1526-3800
World Affairs Online
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 184-186
ISSN: 0955-7571
In: Environmental politics, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 40-57
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: Environmental politics, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 40-57
ISSN: 0964-4016
World Affairs Online
In: Environmental politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 537-552
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: Environmental politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 537-552
ISSN: 0964-4016
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 183
ISSN: 0955-7571